| | · Friday, February 25 19:30 to 23:00 |
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| Place | Overs at Circolo Via Cesare Pavese Pratello, 53 Bologna Bologna, Italy |
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| More | Pride and Prejudice Lesbians in Italy in 2010: politics, history, theory, imaginary We will talk with Eva Mamin, Gouache Paola, Lidia Cirillo, and Anna Muraro, editor of the Notebook Viola. ... More or less fifteen years ago the first series of Quaderni Viola published its fourth issue, and the last to close the door on the theme of political lesbian. The book was greeted with curiosity and interest, was widely disseminated and some important reviews, it was commented at length by Teresa de Lauretis in her book Persons eccentric (Feltrinelli 1999). The first question we asked in evoking the old number was as follows: What has changed since that 1995 when we discussed passionately of the relationship between feminism and lesbian politics? You can answer that first of all, many things have changed in two opposite directions exactly with the end result of an apparent immobility. There was above all a clear shift in feminism. For the first time in Italian history, a sweeping motion, like the one that showed violence against women in November 2007, was called "feminists and lesbians, openly acknowledging the existence of a component inside of women love women. There was then a change in the political scene on which he broke the Pride, which takes place every once in tens of thousands of people, forcing policy to take a stand and the press to break the silence. In addition, the time that fourth book of the old series, a television series like The L Word would have been unthinkable and there were no parliamentary openly gay, lesbian or trans. Pride and Prejudice, Notebook Viola third of the new post-2000 series, try to take stock of the situation of lesbians in Italy, both politically and from the historical, theoretical and imaginary, without ambition wrong on providing the "line "the movement or to close a complex world into a comprehensive framework captiously, but also without fear of expressing an interpretation of reality and to draw a political perspective. The editors who had worked on Pride and Prejudice is composed of Lidia Cirillo, Fabiola Correale, Paola Gouache, Claudia Lopresti, Eva and Anna Muraro Mamin. There are also contributions by Paola Biondi, Laura Corradi, Daniela Danna, Rosanna Fiocchetto, MFLA Radio Onda Rossa and Daniela Santoro. You can also read interviews with three members of the lesbian movement: Elena Biagini, Cristina Gramolini and Luki Massa. From 19.00 edible Bars> Presentation at the Circle Pratello Via Cesare Pavese, 53 BO - info@fuoricampo.net - http://www.fuoricampo.net/ - 3391408010 The event is in FEBRUARY LOCATION OF CULTURE - put culture at the center. http://www.siamolacultura. |
L'ALTRAMARTEDI - CIRCOLO MAURICE
MARTEDI 22 FEBBRAIO 2011
VIA STAMPATORI, 10
Presenta il terzo Quaderno Viola
Dalle 19.30 apericena, a seguire la presentazione
'Orgoglio e pregiudizio. Le lesbiche in Italia nel 2010: politica, storia, teoria, immaginari' a cura di Lidia Cirillo, Fabiola Correale, Paola Guazzo, Claudia Lopresti, Eva Mamini, Anna Muraro. Edizioni Alegre, 2010
sites.google.com/site/quaderniviola/
Sarà presente una delle curatrici, Paola Guazzo
Serata aperta a tutte e tutti
| Data | Luogo | Per informazioni |
| 22 Febbraio, 2011 - 19:00 - 23:00 |
The events related to Rubygate can be commented on by various viewing angles. Franca D'Agostini, philosopher of science, has done even from the standpoint of logos, analyzing the pseudo-reasoning and argumentation procedures of Berlusconi's defenders, journalists on its payroll book or persons whom he elevated to the senior ranks of institutions.
Here, however, true is worth reflecting on some aspects of the relationship between government discussion and opposition and that the sexual adventures of the Prime Minister opened in feminism.
E 'became clear that Berlusconi is an awkward figure for the same people who supported him and have received benefits from its management of political power. A leader who does not feed a climate of total warfare, not compromise with justice, with a modest life and private life with a less folk to the rest of the world, would certainly be preferable for economic elites of this country.
not now but has always been the preference of the holders of wealth should be something like a liberal right, in a context of formal democracy and the mediation of Public servants available to retire after serving their contribution to the exploitation and extortion of surplus labor. This aspiration is carried out only in exceptional cases, but never in times of crisis, because it does not solve the fundamental problem of consent. In short, as long as Berlusconi guarantees, even in its own way, the employers will want or can hardly get rid of him. Marcegaglia explained well the social position of his party, when Fabio Fazio a request for an entertainment program in television he said: a new prime minister, but only after the elections, that is, only after checking the alignment of the consensus that each collects .
Because it is difficult that the Prime Minister is easy to throw in the towel and instead has decided to sell life dearly, his life or death depend on the uncertain step of the next general election, in which he will have better cards to play than its rivals first by the use of media. This is not to risk a reckless policy of prophecy immortality Berlusconi, who could eventually be overwhelmed by his impudence and imprudence. This is not to forget what seems to have removed the parliamentary opposition, namely that there is a condition sine qua non to replace one government with another, at least until a formal democracy continues to exist. The logic of
speeches and initiatives of the largest opposition party is reduced today to denounce the government and its head because, in another matter entirely busy, not engaged with proper zeal for reforms vital and urgent for Italy. The quality of the so-called reforms are nothing says, but the agreement with Confindustria and the willingness to accept Tremonti as the new prime minister left no doubt as to their nature. In other words, if words have meaning, what the PD asks is ultimately more effective in further dispossession of wage labor and reduction of bone welfare residue.
If the operation of the PD went really well, that is, if the second act of a devastating crisis was managed by a kind of unity government with the opposition and Berlusconi's crypto-fascist right, with tools of mass communication almost regime, then likely that the Berlusconi government is not the worst can happen to those with power relations and this left. is not the only reason it would not be wise to sign the petition Conchita De Gregorio, head of the Unit, not only because it is part of an unfortunate political project. The appeal is aimed at women of the left and right, rich and poor, North and South will witness together because there are other women apart from those line up for the bunga-bunga and because together we say "Enough." It 'obvious that the goal is to propose another femininity, other than the one built from the imagination of kapo with Berlusconi in high heels and girls entered in a job-seeker of the exchange between sex and money. The downside is that the stigma eventually hit its last wheel of the cart, that is, the girls bought to brighten the evenings of the elderly millionaire. He's right
Pia Covre the Committee on the Rights of Prostitutes, when he denounced that young women listen to how people are informed of the facts have been used and exposed in the media and that if it went to some bene, altre ne sono uscite umiliate e ferite. E si deve darle ragione anche quando si chiede se può essere considerata una vera vittoria sfrattare il premier perché è scivolato sulla prostituzione, mentre ci sarebbero ragioni sociali, politiche e di democrazia per mandarlo a casa. La campagna dell'opposizione non può essere condivisa nei suoi obiettivi e nelle sue modalità anche per un'altra ragione, cioè per l'ondata di moralismo ipocrita che la caratterizza. Come altro si potrebbe definire l'accoglienza calorosa riservata alle parole del cardinal Bertone e l'uso strumentale delle inquietudini del mondo cattolico?
Ora, sia chiaro, sarebbe del tutto legittimo che un'opposizione did also leverage on the vicissitudes of Rubygate. I do not know if someone / a has never written a book on the role of the scandal in history, but it is known that the scandals are indebted to two great revolutions, those of 1789 and 1917. The scandal can fulfill its function of revealing ingenuous popular opinion that the gods are not gods, that things happen in the Castle who violate the rules of the Castle itself and they are therefore arbitrary and partial. The debt, however, has always been slight and, like all and everyone knows, these revolutions are then go beyond that.
What is the scandal has already been said. It is true that at home you can do what you want, even at home you can not commit crimes and the use of child prostitution is a crime. It is not true that these issues are only private because the premier place people in institutions, women and men who have made the services required by him. It 's true, rather than an individual with a pipe so relaxed you then champion of the most reactionary Catholic morality, promises a law against prostitution, it shall approve another prohibiting the analysis of pre-implantation embryos in assisted reproductive technology It resists even the slightest recognition of the right to be lesbian, gay and trans, the celebrated family day ...
The discussion on the topic in feminism is not the case began today with Ruby. The use of women's bodies in the media and the changes of the kind that produces the imaginary Berlusconi talking for some time. The legitimate dislike moralistic opposition and the political logic that has characterized the product here and there, in the most radical of the movement, totally inadequate response. Or too benevolent towards the Prime Minister: everyone is free to do what he wants at home, the left replicates the ancestral condemnation of sex, which is rather a natural activity etc.. Or comments belongs to whoever pulls out melee: are things that men do not concern us, we refuse to adapt to the ways and timing of the policy, rules and partisan allegiances of ' television audience and so on.
Overall, however, the debate on this issue has been far more rich and fertile than elsewhere and pour cause. It 'clear to many that not only with the latter case, but with all his personal history, with its way of conceiving the presence of women in politics and the television images that owns or controls, Berlusconi has used one of technical specifications of the consent of the modern right. Why is not the modern liberal right but that post, that is what is to deal with more pressing problems of consensus and solves them with propaganda, repression, and the construction of scapegoats, in different ratios between their amount depending on the context.
E 'unlikely that the transaction is aware, the realization comes from the fact that Berlusconi is the incarnation and now pathetic caricature of the common sense of the majority of Italian men. In addition, his being a parvenu policy deprives him of mediation skills, simulation and dissimulation of his political craft. Berlusconi is simply a liar in the most crude and infantile period.
The technique of consensus is to bring to light, disseminate and legitimize what lies at the bottom of society, beliefs and relationships to be more archaic. The use of anti-politician, for example, derived from the fact that it was still very much alive in the most uneducated working classes. And the finding was realized in the simple form of the amount of applause, which rallies every attack on the Jews aroused. Someone wrote that when you talk to brewery in politics, then the civilization and democracy are in danger. So when the imagination of the average Italian male becomes entertainment and culture, then resumed under the most archaic stereotypes about femininity. The problem is not those who put themselves in line for the bunga-bunga, often poor in search of an income that is not found elsewhere and point to the merciless public scorn. Nor is that of girlfriends and maitresses the premier institutions. Sgarbi as an intellectual, which lends itself to yell and insult in defense of his master's underwear, is more repellent Carfagna helpless.
The issue is that gender is constructed by the media and also images of women that they carry. Of course, "there are other women," as the appeal of De Gregorio, but other women have always existed because the genre has always little to do with real women, but it still represents a burden of prejudices and stereotypes that oppresses.
Among the comments these days are moving in the lists in newspapers and online sail worth a mention, that of feminist Blog Medea "a group of women in politics in the territory in Turin." The text recalls the films of Pasolini's "Salò or the 120 Days of Sodom", inspired by the homonymous novel by the Marquis De Sade, shot in the seventies and quickly disappeared from circulation. Set between 1944 and 1945,
Gad Lerner, in an episode of the infidel has taken the comparison, but the television medium does not lend itself to sophisticated speech and the combination appeared to an unacceptable forcing, which does not justify perhaps explains the procedure and the insults of the President of the Council.
final consideration. The feminism of the radical and antagonistic movement has missed an opportunity. He has rightly criticized the protests inspired by the logic of the appeal of Conchita De Gregorio, but has not made or other proposals. Yet that was not a matter that the opposition between women and decent and there was plenty of Permal. You could, can, in opposition to the myth of the man who loves women - the chick said Sgarbi, replacing part in everything - the head of the government which has launched, erased and refused always logical laws that make women's lives more difficult, precarious and unjust.
Fifteen years since the first notebook Viola on lesbianism ("And the last to close the door," 1995) an editorial team composed of Lidia Cirillo, Fabiola Correale, Paola Gouache, Claudia Lopresti, Eva and Anna Muraro Mamin discussed and developed a new contribution
writes in the editorial policies of the first introductions Notebook:
"A first question that we put in evoking the old number was as follows: what has changed since 1995 when we debated passionately that the relationship between feminism and lesbian politics? You can answer that first of all, many things have changed in two opposite directions exactly with the end result of an apparent immobility.
There was above all a clear shift in feminism. For the first time in Italian history, a sweeping motion, like the one that showed violence against women in November 2007, was called "feminists and lesbians, openly acknowledging the existence within it of a component of women who love women .
There was then a change in the political scene on which he broke the Pride, which takes place every once in tens of thousands of people forced to take the political position and the press to break the silence. In addition, the time that fourth book of the old series, a television series like The L Word would have been unthinkable and there were no parliamentary openly gay, lesbian or trans. Other phenomena
instead go in the opposite direction. Italy is still one of the few countries in the world north-west where the movement has not achieved anything in terms of rights and action against homophobia, while lesbian, gay and trans are much more exposed today than yesterday homophobic violence .
Pride and Prejudice, the third new series of notebook Viola post-2000, try to take stock of the situation of lesbians in Italy, both politically and from the historical, theoretical and imaginary, without ambition wrong provide on-line movement or closing of a complex world into a comprehensive framework captiously, but also without fear of expressing an interpretation of reality and to draw a political perspective.
Beyond this general summary, even many other nodes are treated in the three sections of policies Pride and Prejudice: the relationship between lesbians and feminists in the movement, the marriage controversy yes / no marriage, to the more general for civil rights for lesbians and gay men in Italy and worldwide, lesbian motherhood, the critique of political lobbying, the issue of exploitation of gays in anti-Islamic in Europe, to name just a few of the topics covered. The views are varied, and articulate speakers, we tried to give the right space to issues that cross the political debate within the lesbian movement, also including GLBT issues more generally and feminists.
also interviews with activists of the movement (Elena Biagini, Cristina Gramolini, Luki Massa) testify to the intent of the drafting of interim and provide an open, non-fossilized often forced dichotomy on institutional / radicals, which makes little account of the wealth and complexity of the paths of groups and individuals.
At the same time it is activated a channel of communication with the feminist movement and the anti-capitalist left policy area, in the tradition of logic is that intersectional Notebooks, putting in work since their birth in Nineties ( the history of the first series and archive material available for download ).
From the perspective of lesbian theory, which contains the complexity and variety of placements are difficult to summarize in a synthetic instrument, was chosen line delauretisiano "eccentric subject" , from reading the Wittig queer subject, however, a priority political reading compared to a postmodern academic.
were also highlighted texts on which was most recently discussed in meetings lesbian mass (eg the Five Days lesbians held in Rome in June 2010), containing the issues of greatest timeliness and urgency for political and cultural groups.
There are also an annotated bibliography and thematic and a section on community and imaginary , given the vital role - in the last decade - from the communication network and a global production of lesbian images in film, on television and in newspapers, this community is based on the imaginary pre-political, but not negligible, because it stems from the humus to work on a comprehensive policy, in which desire for transformation is not a speech dropped from 'high on the bodies of refractory and blessed subject of their alienation.
Index
1. Conflict and political
Introduction
Le persone omosessuali secondo il Sant'Uffizio (Lidia Cirillo)
Casa Pound (Paola Guazzo)
Omosessualità e terapie (non) riparative (Paola Biondi)
La depatologizzazione e la teoria delle lobbies (Lidia Cirillo)
Il Triangolo lesbico delle Bermuda (Rosanna Fiocchetto)
Introduzione II
Estratto da “Identità, condivisione, visibilità” (Paola Guazzo, Eva Mamini)
Le rimozioni pericolose (Lidia Cirillo)
Il diritto d'asilo e lo status di rifugiato politico per le persone lgbit (Fabiola Correale)
Introduzione III
Diritti e rovesci per lesbiche e gay (Eva Mamini)
Accesso per lesbiche e gay a matrimoni e unioni civili nel mondo (Eva Mamini)
Matrimonio? E perché no? (Lidia Cirillo)
Diritti per le individue! (Daniela Danna)
Inversione di tendenza (Daniela Santoro)
Interviste (Elena Biagini, Cristina Gramolini, Luki Massa)
2. Storia e teoria
Introduzione
La sfida lesbica (Daniela Danna)
Le settimane lesbiche (Paola Guazzo)
Le intellettuali che hanno riscritto il lesbismo (Paola Guazzo)
Sviluppi (Paola Guazzo)
R/esistenze lesbiche nell'Europa nazifascista (recensione)
Il movimento delle lesbiche in Italia (recensione)
Politica della bisessualità e leadership femminista (Laura Corradi)
3. Community and imaginary
The web lesbian Italian (Paola Gouache)
sitography (Eva Mamin)
Radio that passion! (MFLA)
From The L Word The L World (Paola Gouache, Eva Mamin)
Three lesbian mainstream movie (Paola Gouache)
Cocktail d'amore (Paolo Gouache)
Steel (Paola Gouache)
Bibliography (Anna Muraro)
